Megabites – 31 July, 2015

Newly Open: Maya Cafe Takeaway
It’s all very good saying you want to eat healthy, but locally it can be a hassle to find a place offering fresh tasty food that you actually want to eat regularly; even more difficult to find takeaway! No longer. The team behind Maya Cafe (forcefully shutdown by a greedy landlord) have now opened a takeaway shop at 173 Des Voeux Road, midway between Central Sheung Wan.maya1z2

The new outlet offers a broad menu of vegetarian, vegan and gluton-free meals, drinks, snacks and desserts. As much as possible the ingredients are organically sourced from local farms, with most dishes made fresh when you order them.

If you still harbour the illusion that vegetarian food means a dull plain lettuce, tomato, cucumber salad then wake up. Maya’s menu, as was the Wanchai Cafe’s, is full of tasty, textured and flavoured dishes that more than hold their own against the best restaurants in town. bc opted to try the quinoa salad, frittata with tomato sauce and the zoodles with alfredo truffle sauce

The baked eggless frittata in tomato sauce and herbed mashed potato is made locally sourced organic tofu that perfectly imitates the texture of a traditional frittata not too soft or too hard and with a lovely rich soya bean flavour the tomato sauce contrasted delightfully and mashed potatoes made fresh and blended with cashew cream and herbs set off the frittata and tomatoes sauce nicely.

Zoodles are noodles made from spiralised zucchini, an intriguing crisp fresh alternative to pasta – although you do need to eat them promptly as unlike many of the other dishes on the menu zoodles do not sit well in the fridge. The alfredo truffle sauce is cashew cream with a truffle twist and goes great with the crisp fresh zoodles for a light filling meal. A very flexible ingredient, even suitable for vegans, cashew cream is simply finely ground cashews which have a slight natural sweetness, allowing the creation of a wide range of sweet and savoury sauces.

Maya Cafe’s signature quinoa salad is lovely blend of textures, tastes and flavours, the crunchy slightly tart red cabbage, contrasting the green cabbage and cashew cream slaw. The carrots a slight sweetness and the quinoa a grainy healthy texture and flavour. An uber healthy salad that tastes delicious.

It’s not only takeaway, a delivery service will soon be up and running and they offer corporate and social catering – everything from a boardroom lunch to a junk trip.

Maya Café Takeaway
Shop G7, Nan Fung Tower, 173 Des Voeus Road, Tel: 2111 4553
Nan Fung Tower is a new building, the main entrance is actually on Wing Wo Street.

delaneys wanchaiClosing
Delaney’s Wanchai has been shoved out the door by it’s landlord of 21 years and will be closing on the 13 August. Until then all standard drinks are at 1994 prices.

Happy Birthday Jia Jia, An An, Ying Ying, and Lei Lei

jia-jia---37

Ocean Park’s Giant Pandas celebrated their birthdays on the 28th July – Jia Jia turns 37, An An is 29, Ying Ying and Lei Lei are both turning 10 – with a bit of a party.

Jia Jia, who arrived 19 years ago at Ocean Park when she was 18 years old, is now a double Guinness World Record holder for “the oldest panda ever in captivity” and “the oldest panda living in captivity”. The previous holder of both records was also a female, Du Du, who passed away on 22 July 1999 shortly before turning 37, now that Jia Jia has turned 37, she is the new record holder. In human terms 37 is still young but converting panda years into human years, 37 is equivalent to 110 human years. A birthday that is definitely worth celebrating!

Ocean Park also announced that Ying Ying had recently returned from Sichuan where she participated in China’s Giant Panda Breeding Program and enjoyed several romps with China’s horny male pandas and a bout of artificial insemination. The gestation period for giant pandas is quite long but there’s hope that Ying Ying is pregnant, and will soon give birth to her first locally born cub.

10-year-panda

Ocean Park’s “Summer Nights” promotion offers extended opening hours to 9pm on all Saturdays and Sundays in August (i.e. 1, 2, 8, 9, 15, 16, 22, 23, 29, 30 August). There’s also a special discounted entry price of $198 (Adults) and $99 (Children) to enter the Park after 4pm.

Police Selectively Turning Their Back on Crime?

dancing aunties money

These days, it is almost a cliche to describe the Hong Kong Police as turning their backs on crime to fulfil political, guard duties for CY Leung’s government. But that’s what they were doing last night on Sai Yeung Choi Street.

The back story to what now takes place almost every Saturday, Sunday and public holiday evening in Mongkok looks like this. A group of ‘aunties’ supported by a motley crew of late, middle-aged men congregate to sing and dance to Mainland songs. Regular patrons of Sai Yeung Choi Street have various problems with this newly introduced behaviour.

Firstly, these groups take over the whole street with their dancing and extremely loud music, and if anyone dares to challenge them to turn it down, then they are met with hostile reactions. This kind of behaviour is exasperated when you speak to local musicians who have been playing in Sai Yeung Choi for years.

I have been speaking with these musicians, and they all said that they feel marginalised by the introduction of the Mainland dancing aunties onto the Street. They told me, “those aunties complain that our music is too loud, and the authorities make us turn ours down. But when we complain about their loud music or aggressive behaviour nothing happens, the authorities turn a blind eye.” All of the local musicians lamented that it appears the aunties have the protection of some powerful people and so act with aggressive impunity towards anyone who dares to challenge them. Many were in agreement that there seems to be a concerted effort to introduce this reddest of red communist past time to Hong Kong streets, regardless of the consequences for the local culture. So, while the local artists find themselves being pushed back, the revolutionary aunties and their admirers have expanded.

That was until the Localist groups took an interest in the musician’s plight. With an ability to regularly mobilise 2-300 protesters at any time, Localist groups now have a proven track record of being able to capture the media attention on any topic of their choosing. They revealed to the world the long-suffering difficulties of local communities overrun with swarms of smugglers and the stark contradictions in the government’s policies on street hawkers. The dancing aunties have now become another hotly debated topic that most people know almost nothing about.

dancing-aunties-money3

For the Localists, the dancing aunties are an alien, cultural invasion that degrades local identity and introduces an unwelcome glorification of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) into Hong Kong. On top of this and most importantly, what the aunties are doing is illegal. The agreed format for performers on Sai Yeung Choi Street is that space is allotted upon a first come first serve basis. Anyone can perform, but without a license it is illegal to take money from the public. The dark principle behind the aunty’s shows is that the ladies in attendance sing and dance for money, which they receive via red-packets. It’s a form of ‘soft-prostitution’, as the aunties let the men ‘get close’ and they receive hard cash as a reward. The tone and the vibe of the songs may be politically supportive of the Mainland and CCP. But, in essence, this is a monetary transactional relationship, heavily tainted with sexual undertones, taking place on a street allocated for performers. Making it illegal.

To be clear, offering any form of sexual favours on a one-tone basis is not illegal in Hong Kong, but when there is more than one girl involved in the process, then it is. The loop-hole behind this is that there are many single-girl-brothels all over the territory, or when you go to Wanchai, you don’t pay for girls, you pay for expensive drinks. On Sai Yeung Choi Street what is flirting with illegality is bringing groups of dancing, singing-girls together to exchange money for sexually charged encounters. Let’s be clear, no one is having sex on the street, but the men are paying, and the aunty’s are letting them have a feel while dancing. It is undeniably a sexual transaction.

There are many investigative reports on these encounters where old men openly admit spending all of their money on the ‘pretty girls.’ (side note, these women are not pretty). In one such investigation, a video shows singers receiving numerous red-packets from men in Tuen Mun. This accusation of accepting cash for sexual favours and breaking laws covering prostitution is in reality hard to pin unequivocally upon the aunties. But what is clear is that they are taking the money while performing on the street, this is fact and is unquestionably breaking the law. (See pics of tweets of the girls accepting money).

Citizens have filed complaints about this practice. But rather than mobilize the FEHD to investigate, the Mongkok police have instead mobilised its PTU to ensure whatever the aunties are doing, illegal or not, continues unfettered. Presumably under some mistaken notion of protecting freedom of expression and the right to assembly.
So the question arises, in a city where a man fixing people’s bikes for free and taking $10 to cover the cost of parts can be hauled up in front of the magistrate for illegal hawking. Why are the FEHD not investigating and police turning their backs while aunties receive hundreds of dollars a night for offering old men soft-prostitution services on the street in plain sight?

The obvious retorts to this question are that the police are not aware of what is going on. However, this hear-no-evil, see-no-evil approach to law enforcement simply doesn’t hold up in reality. On Sunday night, HK Frontline Media easily took photographs of the aunties receiving payment while a horde of police stood just one metre away.
In plain sight money was changing hands while the police focused all of their attention on the much-vilified Localists who were, in fact, not breaking any laws by being there. If the police turned just one of their cameras on the aunties, they would quickly capture the illegal behaviour everyone is complaining about and just like the friendly bike-mender they would be up in front of a magistrate.

You may then argue, well it isn’t the responsibility of the police to micro manage street performers, this is the job of the FEHD. Yet, I have also witnessed the police closing down would-be buskers within minutes because they tried to collect money. So the police are not blind to what’s happening on Sai Yeung Choi Street. Instead, the only conclusion one can make is they are selectively enforcing the law depending upon who is in favour. Someone up on high has dictated that the aunties are patriotic and therefore they will stay! Regardless of how many police need to be mobilised to protect them and how much evidence there is to show them repeatedly breaking the laws covering street performance.

With the police only motivated to throw more PTU at the street performer’s impasse and the FEHD nowhere to be seen, what may you ask are the Localists plans for the aunties? Their strategy is very succinct. For them, the anti-aunty campaign is a low-cost, economic attack upon the aunties, with the broader goal of keeping the topic of Mailandisation of Hong Kong in the media. Between the groups, the cost of the protests is low. They expend little effort either in manpower or risking arrests, yet eventually they believe they can financially cripple the aunties money channels. The aunties will stop singing on Sai Yeung Choi Street if they don’t get paid, and the old men will stop paying if they don’t get to dance and sexually embrace the aunties. Every day the aunties don’t dance is a victory. The protests are a classic guerrilla tactic that closely mirrors such direct action groups like Sea Shepherd. Who know they can’t match the Japanese Whaling operation dollar for dollar, but they can block it at every turn, making it financially unviable to continue in the long term.

So, rather than being irrelevant bickering over music tastes, the aunty protests show us that Localist protests are not being driven by an irrational hatred of Mainlanders. Instead, they bring into sharp focus the favouring of a policy of Mainlandisation by CY Leung’s Government. The policy is chipping away at Hong Kong’s sophisticated, local culture and works only to the detriment of Hong Kong’s once proud police force and its impartial rule of law.

Cantonese Being Squeezed Out of the Classroom

Cantonese Being Squeezed Out of the Classroom

Several years ago, when I found out my daughter might not get into the primary school affiliated to her kindergarten, I panicked. I had only applied to one school and now, I had to look for alternatives.

I was not looking for a famous or prestigious school. Instead, I wanted to find a school that did not have a high-pressure test culture, one that instead stressed a more relaxed and joyful approach to learning. I was also looking for a school that used Chinese as a medium of instruction and taught Chinese in Cantonese.

This proved to be much harder than I imagined in a city where Cantonese is the main language spoken by around 90 per cent of the majority ethnic Chinese population.

According to a comprehensive survey of 512 primary schools and 454 secondary schools conducted in 2013, the Cantonese advocacy group Societas Linguistica Hongkongensis found that 71 per cent of primary schools and 25 percent of secondary schools were using Putonghua as the medium of instruction for Chinese language (PMI). This meant anything between one and all Chinese classes in those schools are taught in Putonghua.

Today, whenever officials are about the government’s position on PMI for Chinese, they repeat the line that this is a “long-term goal”. In 2008 the Standing Committee on Language Education and Research (SCOLAR), a group set up to advise the government on language education, announced plans to allocate $200 million to help schools switch to PMI.

However, there is no timetable for full implementation of this long-term goal. This should make us  wonder, where did the goal come from and what are the reasons for adopting it? To try and answer these questions, I had to dig through some history.

The Mysterious Origins of the “Long-term Goal”
In 1982, the colonial government invited an international panel to conduct a review of Hong Kong’s education system. The panel recommended that Cantonese be the medium of instruction for the first nine years of schooling, so that teaching and learning would be conducted in “the language of the heart”. The recommendation was supported by the volumes of evidence that show mother-tongue teaching to be more effective.

Where it did refer to Putonghua, the panel recommended it be taught as a publicly-funded but extra-curricular subject at primary level and built into the timetable as a separate subject at secondary level.

In 1996, a report by the Education Commission said Puthonghua should be part of the core curriculum at primary and secondary levels and offered as an independent subject for the Hong Kong Certificate of Education Exams in 2000.

It also called on SCOLAR to,

“study further the relationship between Putonghua and the Chinese Language subject in the school syllabus to ascertain whether it would be more appropriate for Putonghua to be taught as a separate subject or as part of the Chinese Language curriculum in both short term and the long term.”

Note that at this stage there is no mention that Putonghua be a medium for teaching Chinese language (PMI), let alone the sole medium.

A year after the handover, in 1998, a study was commissioned to examine the effectiveness of teaching Chinese in Putonghua, to be completed by 2001. But before the studies were even finished, the first mention of the “long-term goal” appeared.

In its October 1999 review of proposed education reforms, the Curriculum Development Council said it was a goal in “the long term to adopt Putonghua as medium of instruction in the Chinese language education.”

A SCOLAR document from 2003 goes on to

“…fully endorse the Curriculum Development Council’s long-term vision to use Putonghua to teach Chinese Language.”

Yet the same document states

“…there is as yet no conclusive evidence to support the argument that students’ general Chinese competence will be better if they learn Chinese Language in Putonghua.”

In fact, of three studies referred to in the report, two studies found students’ performed no better or worse when taught in Putonghua.

According to Sy Onna, a secondary school Chinese language teacher who has studied the topic extensively, the government has never given a satisfactory explanation of why PMI for Chinese was adopted as a long-term goal. Academic research shows mixed results for the effectiveness of PMI, and has found no overall improvement in Chinese language competence.

For Cantonese language advocates like Societas Linguistica Hongkongensis, the reasons for promoting this long-term goal are clearly political – to dilute Hongkongers’ attachment to their native language on the one hand and to promote greater cultural integration with the Mainland on the other.

However, publicly at least, most proponents of PMI are likelier to cite its economic advantages and, to an even greater extent, its educational advantages.

“My Hand Writes My Mouth”
When I ask Professor Lam Kin-ping what the most compelling reasons are for PMI, he answers with the well-rehearsed assurance of someone who has answered the question many times before. Lam is Director of the Centre for Research and Development of Putonghua Education at the Faculty of Education at the Chinese University of Hong Kong, one of the organisations commissioned to carry out studies on the effectiveness of PMI in 1998.

He says he holds a fundamental “belief” that students learn better in PMI Chinese classes because they are listening, speaking, reading and writing in the same language code. Lam argues that in classrooms where Chinese teaching is conducted in Cantonese, students need to “switch codes”.

“The listening and speaking training is in Cantonese. Cantonese is at the end of the day a dialect, we can’t just write a dialect, so we have to adjust it internally, have to make it standard, switch some phrases and even sentences,” he says.

Lam thinks it makes sense to teach in Putonghua because it is very similar to written modern standard Chinese. Whereas Cantonese is a vernacular, a dialect that cannot easily be written or accepted in formal written contexts, says Lam.

For some people, this chimes with the idea of “my hand writes my [what my] mouth [utters]” – a slogan promoting the modernisation of written Chinese, harking back to the May Fourth movement of 1919 when classical Chinese was still the written standard. This core idea has been used to justify the need for PMI by scholars, education professionals and schools who support it, and is accepted without question by many parents.

But this does not make it a universally accepted truth.

Professor Tse Shek-kam, Director of the Centre for Advancement of Chinese Language Education and Research at the University of Hong Kong’s Faculty of Education, rejects the idea that students learn better in PMI classrooms because they do not have to “code-switch”. Nor does he accept that the Cantonese used in Chinese lessons is so far removed from modern standard written Chinese as to necessitate mental gymnastics.

Tse points out text-books are written in standard Chinese, which can be read aloud in Cantonese. Besides, he says, Chinese teachers do not speak in slangy street Cantonese.

“Our Chinese teachers speak very good Cantonese, very good Chinese,” he says. If anything, formal Cantonese has preserved many aspects of what would be considered literary and “proper” Chinese, he adds.

The proximity between spoken Chinese and written Chinese, “depends on the person’s education level, their reading experience and cultural cultivation.”

Tse says that if speaking good Putonghua really put students at an advantage in writing good Chinese, then students from Northeast China  and Beijing, where the “purest” Putonghua is  spoken would score highest in Chinese in public examinations. Yet, he says students from Shandong and Jiangsu/Zhejiang score higher.

“Both Jiangsu and Zhejiang are areas where distinct dialects are spoken, but they also have a strong tradition for literature and well-established publishing sectors,” Tse says.

For him, the advantages of teaching Chinese in Cantonese outweigh the advantages of teaching it in what is essentially a foreign spoken language to most Hong Kong students. Teachers and students are more comfortable communicating in their mother-tongue, making for livelier and more critical discussions that facilitate deeper learning.

Conflicting Evidence
In an interview with Ming Pao in April, one of the scholars tasked by the government to conduct longitudinal studies on the effectiveness of PMI, Professor Tang Shing-fung of the Hong Kong Institute of Education, said he had reservations about a wholesale switch to PMI, as evidence does not currently show PMI is a better way to teach Chinese language.

But PMI supporter Lam Kin-ping says his own observations in the classroom and reports from frontline teachers show students in PMI classes do perform better.

“We have seen improvements, for instance students can write longer articles, they consciously refrain from writing Cantonese terms  and phrases, it is very easy for them to adjust [to written Chinese],” says Lam.

Lam acknowledges it is difficult to find quantitative proof of the above from research data, but he says his experiences and those of teachers convince him that it is real.

Sy Onna, who teaches separate Chinese Language and Putonghua classes at a local secondary school and is a member of the Progressive Teachers Alliance, dismisses Lam’s observations. She says being able to write longer articles with fewer Cantonese colloquialisms are not necessarily a sign of better writing.

“These are only superficial improvements,” Sy says. “As Tang Shing-fung points out, argument setting, structure and composition are just as if not more important, and these have nothing to do with Putonghua.”

This may be one reason secondary schools that teach Chinese in Putonghua often switch back to Cantonese in senior classes, as students prepare for approaching public examinations (as shown in Societas Linguistica Hongkongensis’ survey).

In a study published in 2011 of a school that switched to PMI in 2000, CUHK professor Angela Choi Fung Tam found  school administrators were keen to push for PMI because they believed it would enhance the school’s reputation and help it to attract more academically able students.

This would support the view of both PMI advocate Lam Kin-ping and critic Tse Shek-kam that it is perhaps schools and parents, rather than the government who are taking the lead in pushing for the rapid switch to PMI.

But Tam’s study also found teachers were far more ambivalent – while they believed PMI would improve students’ Putonghua, they did not think it would raise their overall Chinese competence. Some senior teachers who experienced the switch said they had noticed a general decline in students’ language proficiency and school reports showed a drop in pass rates in public exams in Chinese language from 100 before PMI was introduced to around 90 afterwards.

“I think the government knows it doesn’t work, there is no evidence it works. To this day they haven’t set a timetable,” says Tse.

Making Informed Choices
I began this article outlining the predicament I found myself in while searching for a suitable primary school for my daughter. Eventually, she was accepted by the primary school affiliated to her kindergarten and we enrolled her in the sole class that teaches Chinese in Cantonese in her year. The other four classes all use PMI for Chinese.

Most of my daughter’s classmates’ parents told me they consciously chose Cantonese because they thought it would be better for their children to learn in the language spoken at home. A few of them said Cantonese was an important part of Hong Kong culture and identity.

However one parent said she was advised to place her child in the Cantonese class by education professionals, and another said it was because the PMI classes were already full. Both said they would switch to a PMI class if they could.

As I was also curious about whether my daughter’s former kindergarten classmates had ended up learning Chinese in Cantonese or Putonghua, I contacted some of their parents too. Of the eleven who replied, six had children who were in PMI classes. In most of these cases, parents said they had chosen a PMI school or class because they wanted their child to speak “native” level Putonghua.  They also believed it would help their child to write better Chinese and be good for their future careers.

Three parents said they had yet to notice any changes in their children’s Chinese abilities and two said it had a positive impact. But two parents reported a negative impact. One, who I’ll call T, said her son would sometimes mix up the characters , and , which are pronounced differently in Cantonese, but the same in Putonghua.

T told me, “I wish I had known then, what I know now, that writing good Chinese does not depend on Putonghua but on a person’s cultural and educational level and on how much they read.”

In terms of reading, it seems Hong Kong primary students are doing extremely well. In a study of reading literacy in primary school children in 49 countries and regions carried out in 2011, they ranked first – ahead of Taiwan which was seventh. So coming from a predominantly Cantonese speaking city does not seem to have affected Hong Kong school children’s reading abilities, a foundation for developing good writing skills.

The issue of PMI for Chinese has undoubtedly become a highly political and emotional one. But politics and emotions aside, the question we keep going back to is whether PMI is a better educational choice, and do we even have the information we need to make that judgment?

Any advantage gained through applying the principle of “my hand writes my mouth” needs to be balanced with the widely accepted principle that students learn better when taught in their mother tongue.

Through reviewing the evidence and speaking to experts, what I have learned is that PMI may improve students’ fluency in “native” Putonghua, but this can also be achieved through teaching Putonghua as a separate subject.  Students may use fewer Cantonese words, phrases and grammar in their writing, but PMI cannot be said to have raised their overall competence in Chinese.

For parents like me, the choices themselves appear to be shrinking. While not all the schools teaching Chinese in Putonghua do so exclusively, many of the parents I spoke to agree with me that increasingly, the classes that teach in Cantonese are being seen as somehow “inferior”. Academically stronger kids will gravitate towards or be placed in PMI schools or PMI streams. Parents who worry their children may be labeled as less able may avoid putting them in the Cantonese Chinese class.

The government has offered incentives in the form of cash and personnel to help schools switch successfully to PMI. But school governing bodies and administrators, parents and an industry of extra-curricular literature and classes profiting from a transition to PMI are providing the momentum to push a long-term educational goal that lacks clear evidence, seemed to appear out of nowhere, and carries huge political implications.

Originally published www.yuenchan.org, July 2015

Parents Concern Group on National Education
This summer marks the 3rd anniversary of the anti-National Education movement. A number of organisations, including Scholarism, Progressive Teachers Alliance, Umbrella Parents and the Parents’ Concern Group on National Education issued a joint statement on Saturday 25th July.

There will also be a series of three seminars on PMI, the Chinese History curriculum and extra-curricular activities respectively .The first seminar on PMI will be held on August 8th at 2.30 pm in Room 103 of the Duke of Windsor Social Service Building.

Hong Kong Indigenous March Against Questionable Arrests and Spurious Charges

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Hong Kong Indigenous march from Causeway Bay to the High Court in support of the protesters who were arrested in Yuen Long during the anti-smuggling protests earlier this year. Among those protestors is Ng Lai-ying who has been convicted of assaulting a police officer with her breasts. Even though there’s no video evidence to support the ‘alleged’ assault and plenty to show that Ng was thrown to the floor and assaulted by police giving her a bloody nose.

The 100m long march is a visual and vocal reminder of the double standards that now seem to apply in Hong Kong where the police and blue ribbon pro-Beijing supporters can break the law with impunity. While HongKongers face dubious charges backed with fabricated evidence – exposed by the courts.

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Grand Opening @ Burger Joys

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Burger Joys in Wanchai celebrated their Grand Opening on the 24 July with friends, customers and suppliers.
Thank you to the staff who worked tirelessly to make the evening very enjoyable.
Click on any image to see the full gallery of photos

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McLaren 675LT – Hong Kong Launch

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The newest McLaren, the 675LT was officially launched in Hong Kong on the 24 July, 2015. The track-focused car’s distinct points include high speed performance, lightweight, optimised aerodynamics, and increased power making it the strongest, fastest, lightest model in the McLaren Super Series – only 500 are available worldwide.

Belonging to the Super series, the McLaren 675LT is inspired by the McLaren F1 GTR “Long Tail”, the car which dominated the Le Mans 24 Hour race in 1997. The newly introduced car follows its predecessor in design and looks to provide the driver with an incredible driving experience of unique intensity.

McLaren 675LT enhanced bodywork styling enables an increase of 40% in downforce compared to other cars in the series; higher downforce enables higher speeds and better control. Compared to the McLaren 650S, the 675LT is 100kg lighter – weighing at 1,230 kg. The increased 19 degree air intakes enabling better cooling while the use of a magnesium roll cage and enhanced carbon fibre allows minimised weight and maximised rigidity. The 675LT can accelerate to 100 km/h in 2.9 seconds, 200 km/h (120mph) in 7.9 seconds, before reaching a top speed to be 330 km/h (205mph).

The McLaren 675LT is the racecar you can bring home, legal for street driving. Unfortunately for those with a spare $5.8m in your pocket it’s already sold out in Hong Kong.

Blur Live @ HKCEC – 22 July, 2015

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Blur rocked a sold-out HKCEC Hall 5 with a selection of greatest hits and tracks from their new album The Magic Whip – written in Hong Kong after the bands last concert here in 2013. The album is full of astute observations about life in in the SAR, but there is something a little bit extra special hearing live songs and tales about your home. If there was one complaint, the gig was not even two hours, so many great songs unplayed… Thanks for coming Blur, see you again soon luv Hong Kong!
Click on any photo to access the full gallery of images.

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http://bcmagazine.smugmug.com/Bcene-photos/2015/Blur-Live-HKCEC-22-July-2015/50786078_q7s3WM#!i=4222104226&k=4Bp9f29

http://bcmagazine.smugmug.com/Bcene-photos/2015/Blur-Live-HKCEC-22-July-2015/50786078_q7s3WM#!i=4222106492&k=vWRDxDh

http://bcmagazine.smugmug.com/Bcene-photos/2015/Blur-Live-HKCEC-22-July-2015/50786078_q7s3WM#!i=4222117489&k=HGz3FqS

http://bcmagazine.smugmug.com/Bcene-photos/2015/Blur-Live-HKCEC-22-July-2015/50786078_q7s3WM#!i=4222113745&k=6x8mbqJ

http://bcmagazine.smugmug.com/Bcene-photos/2015/Blur-Live-HKCEC-22-July-2015/50786078_q7s3WM#!i=4222118274&k=tD4WGdp

http://bcmagazine.smugmug.com/Bcene-photos/2015/Blur-Live-HKCEC-22-July-2015/50786078_q7s3WM#!i=4222138049&k=Hss5f8H