Cantonese Being Squeezed Out of the Classroom

Cantonese Being Squeezed Out of the Classroom

Several years ago, when I found out my daughter might not get into the primary school affiliated to her kindergarten, I panicked. I had only applied to one school and now, I had to look for alternatives.

I was not looking for a famous or prestigious school. Instead, I wanted to find a school that did not have a high-pressure test culture, one that instead stressed a more relaxed and joyful approach to learning. I was also looking for a school that used Chinese as a medium of instruction and taught Chinese in Cantonese.

This proved to be much harder than I imagined in a city where Cantonese is the main language spoken by around 90 per cent of the majority ethnic Chinese population.

According to a comprehensive survey of 512 primary schools and 454 secondary schools conducted in 2013, the Cantonese advocacy group Societas Linguistica Hongkongensis found that 71 per cent of primary schools and 25 percent of secondary schools were using Putonghua as the medium of instruction for Chinese language (PMI). This meant anything between one and all Chinese classes in those schools are taught in Putonghua.

Today, whenever officials are about the government’s position on PMI for Chinese, they repeat the line that this is a “long-term goal”. In 2008 the Standing Committee on Language Education and Research (SCOLAR), a group set up to advise the government on language education, announced plans to allocate $200 million to help schools switch to PMI.

However, there is no timetable for full implementation of this long-term goal. This should make us  wonder, where did the goal come from and what are the reasons for adopting it? To try and answer these questions, I had to dig through some history.

The Mysterious Origins of the “Long-term Goal”
In 1982, the colonial government invited an international panel to conduct a review of Hong Kong’s education system. The panel recommended that Cantonese be the medium of instruction for the first nine years of schooling, so that teaching and learning would be conducted in “the language of the heart”. The recommendation was supported by the volumes of evidence that show mother-tongue teaching to be more effective.

Where it did refer to Putonghua, the panel recommended it be taught as a publicly-funded but extra-curricular subject at primary level and built into the timetable as a separate subject at secondary level.

In 1996, a report by the Education Commission said Puthonghua should be part of the core curriculum at primary and secondary levels and offered as an independent subject for the Hong Kong Certificate of Education Exams in 2000.

It also called on SCOLAR to,

“study further the relationship between Putonghua and the Chinese Language subject in the school syllabus to ascertain whether it would be more appropriate for Putonghua to be taught as a separate subject or as part of the Chinese Language curriculum in both short term and the long term.”

Note that at this stage there is no mention that Putonghua be a medium for teaching Chinese language (PMI), let alone the sole medium.

A year after the handover, in 1998, a study was commissioned to examine the effectiveness of teaching Chinese in Putonghua, to be completed by 2001. But before the studies were even finished, the first mention of the “long-term goal” appeared.

In its October 1999 review of proposed education reforms, the Curriculum Development Council said it was a goal in “the long term to adopt Putonghua as medium of instruction in the Chinese language education.”

A SCOLAR document from 2003 goes on to

“…fully endorse the Curriculum Development Council’s long-term vision to use Putonghua to teach Chinese Language.”

Yet the same document states

“…there is as yet no conclusive evidence to support the argument that students’ general Chinese competence will be better if they learn Chinese Language in Putonghua.”

In fact, of three studies referred to in the report, two studies found students’ performed no better or worse when taught in Putonghua.

According to Sy Onna, a secondary school Chinese language teacher who has studied the topic extensively, the government has never given a satisfactory explanation of why PMI for Chinese was adopted as a long-term goal. Academic research shows mixed results for the effectiveness of PMI, and has found no overall improvement in Chinese language competence.

For Cantonese language advocates like Societas Linguistica Hongkongensis, the reasons for promoting this long-term goal are clearly political – to dilute Hongkongers’ attachment to their native language on the one hand and to promote greater cultural integration with the Mainland on the other.

However, publicly at least, most proponents of PMI are likelier to cite its economic advantages and, to an even greater extent, its educational advantages.

“My Hand Writes My Mouth”
When I ask Professor Lam Kin-ping what the most compelling reasons are for PMI, he answers with the well-rehearsed assurance of someone who has answered the question many times before. Lam is Director of the Centre for Research and Development of Putonghua Education at the Faculty of Education at the Chinese University of Hong Kong, one of the organisations commissioned to carry out studies on the effectiveness of PMI in 1998.

He says he holds a fundamental “belief” that students learn better in PMI Chinese classes because they are listening, speaking, reading and writing in the same language code. Lam argues that in classrooms where Chinese teaching is conducted in Cantonese, students need to “switch codes”.

“The listening and speaking training is in Cantonese. Cantonese is at the end of the day a dialect, we can’t just write a dialect, so we have to adjust it internally, have to make it standard, switch some phrases and even sentences,” he says.

Lam thinks it makes sense to teach in Putonghua because it is very similar to written modern standard Chinese. Whereas Cantonese is a vernacular, a dialect that cannot easily be written or accepted in formal written contexts, says Lam.

For some people, this chimes with the idea of “my hand writes my [what my] mouth [utters]” – a slogan promoting the modernisation of written Chinese, harking back to the May Fourth movement of 1919 when classical Chinese was still the written standard. This core idea has been used to justify the need for PMI by scholars, education professionals and schools who support it, and is accepted without question by many parents.

But this does not make it a universally accepted truth.

Professor Tse Shek-kam, Director of the Centre for Advancement of Chinese Language Education and Research at the University of Hong Kong’s Faculty of Education, rejects the idea that students learn better in PMI classrooms because they do not have to “code-switch”. Nor does he accept that the Cantonese used in Chinese lessons is so far removed from modern standard written Chinese as to necessitate mental gymnastics.

Tse points out text-books are written in standard Chinese, which can be read aloud in Cantonese. Besides, he says, Chinese teachers do not speak in slangy street Cantonese.

“Our Chinese teachers speak very good Cantonese, very good Chinese,” he says. If anything, formal Cantonese has preserved many aspects of what would be considered literary and “proper” Chinese, he adds.

The proximity between spoken Chinese and written Chinese, “depends on the person’s education level, their reading experience and cultural cultivation.”

Tse says that if speaking good Putonghua really put students at an advantage in writing good Chinese, then students from Northeast China  and Beijing, where the “purest” Putonghua is  spoken would score highest in Chinese in public examinations. Yet, he says students from Shandong and Jiangsu/Zhejiang score higher.

“Both Jiangsu and Zhejiang are areas where distinct dialects are spoken, but they also have a strong tradition for literature and well-established publishing sectors,” Tse says.

For him, the advantages of teaching Chinese in Cantonese outweigh the advantages of teaching it in what is essentially a foreign spoken language to most Hong Kong students. Teachers and students are more comfortable communicating in their mother-tongue, making for livelier and more critical discussions that facilitate deeper learning.

Conflicting Evidence
In an interview with Ming Pao in April, one of the scholars tasked by the government to conduct longitudinal studies on the effectiveness of PMI, Professor Tang Shing-fung of the Hong Kong Institute of Education, said he had reservations about a wholesale switch to PMI, as evidence does not currently show PMI is a better way to teach Chinese language.

But PMI supporter Lam Kin-ping says his own observations in the classroom and reports from frontline teachers show students in PMI classes do perform better.

“We have seen improvements, for instance students can write longer articles, they consciously refrain from writing Cantonese terms  and phrases, it is very easy for them to adjust [to written Chinese],” says Lam.

Lam acknowledges it is difficult to find quantitative proof of the above from research data, but he says his experiences and those of teachers convince him that it is real.

Sy Onna, who teaches separate Chinese Language and Putonghua classes at a local secondary school and is a member of the Progressive Teachers Alliance, dismisses Lam’s observations. She says being able to write longer articles with fewer Cantonese colloquialisms are not necessarily a sign of better writing.

“These are only superficial improvements,” Sy says. “As Tang Shing-fung points out, argument setting, structure and composition are just as if not more important, and these have nothing to do with Putonghua.”

This may be one reason secondary schools that teach Chinese in Putonghua often switch back to Cantonese in senior classes, as students prepare for approaching public examinations (as shown in Societas Linguistica Hongkongensis’ survey).

In a study published in 2011 of a school that switched to PMI in 2000, CUHK professor Angela Choi Fung Tam found  school administrators were keen to push for PMI because they believed it would enhance the school’s reputation and help it to attract more academically able students.

This would support the view of both PMI advocate Lam Kin-ping and critic Tse Shek-kam that it is perhaps schools and parents, rather than the government who are taking the lead in pushing for the rapid switch to PMI.

But Tam’s study also found teachers were far more ambivalent – while they believed PMI would improve students’ Putonghua, they did not think it would raise their overall Chinese competence. Some senior teachers who experienced the switch said they had noticed a general decline in students’ language proficiency and school reports showed a drop in pass rates in public exams in Chinese language from 100 before PMI was introduced to around 90 afterwards.

“I think the government knows it doesn’t work, there is no evidence it works. To this day they haven’t set a timetable,” says Tse.

Making Informed Choices
I began this article outlining the predicament I found myself in while searching for a suitable primary school for my daughter. Eventually, she was accepted by the primary school affiliated to her kindergarten and we enrolled her in the sole class that teaches Chinese in Cantonese in her year. The other four classes all use PMI for Chinese.

Most of my daughter’s classmates’ parents told me they consciously chose Cantonese because they thought it would be better for their children to learn in the language spoken at home. A few of them said Cantonese was an important part of Hong Kong culture and identity.

However one parent said she was advised to place her child in the Cantonese class by education professionals, and another said it was because the PMI classes were already full. Both said they would switch to a PMI class if they could.

As I was also curious about whether my daughter’s former kindergarten classmates had ended up learning Chinese in Cantonese or Putonghua, I contacted some of their parents too. Of the eleven who replied, six had children who were in PMI classes. In most of these cases, parents said they had chosen a PMI school or class because they wanted their child to speak “native” level Putonghua.  They also believed it would help their child to write better Chinese and be good for their future careers.

Three parents said they had yet to notice any changes in their children’s Chinese abilities and two said it had a positive impact. But two parents reported a negative impact. One, who I’ll call T, said her son would sometimes mix up the characters , and , which are pronounced differently in Cantonese, but the same in Putonghua.

T told me, “I wish I had known then, what I know now, that writing good Chinese does not depend on Putonghua but on a person’s cultural and educational level and on how much they read.”

In terms of reading, it seems Hong Kong primary students are doing extremely well. In a study of reading literacy in primary school children in 49 countries and regions carried out in 2011, they ranked first – ahead of Taiwan which was seventh. So coming from a predominantly Cantonese speaking city does not seem to have affected Hong Kong school children’s reading abilities, a foundation for developing good writing skills.

The issue of PMI for Chinese has undoubtedly become a highly political and emotional one. But politics and emotions aside, the question we keep going back to is whether PMI is a better educational choice, and do we even have the information we need to make that judgment?

Any advantage gained through applying the principle of “my hand writes my mouth” needs to be balanced with the widely accepted principle that students learn better when taught in their mother tongue.

Through reviewing the evidence and speaking to experts, what I have learned is that PMI may improve students’ fluency in “native” Putonghua, but this can also be achieved through teaching Putonghua as a separate subject.  Students may use fewer Cantonese words, phrases and grammar in their writing, but PMI cannot be said to have raised their overall competence in Chinese.

For parents like me, the choices themselves appear to be shrinking. While not all the schools teaching Chinese in Putonghua do so exclusively, many of the parents I spoke to agree with me that increasingly, the classes that teach in Cantonese are being seen as somehow “inferior”. Academically stronger kids will gravitate towards or be placed in PMI schools or PMI streams. Parents who worry their children may be labeled as less able may avoid putting them in the Cantonese Chinese class.

The government has offered incentives in the form of cash and personnel to help schools switch successfully to PMI. But school governing bodies and administrators, parents and an industry of extra-curricular literature and classes profiting from a transition to PMI are providing the momentum to push a long-term educational goal that lacks clear evidence, seemed to appear out of nowhere, and carries huge political implications.

Originally published www.yuenchan.org, July 2015

Parents Concern Group on National Education
This summer marks the 3rd anniversary of the anti-National Education movement. A number of organisations, including Scholarism, Progressive Teachers Alliance, Umbrella Parents and the Parents’ Concern Group on National Education issued a joint statement on Saturday 25th July.

There will also be a series of three seminars on PMI, the Chinese History curriculum and extra-curricular activities respectively .The first seminar on PMI will be held on August 8th at 2.30 pm in Room 103 of the Duke of Windsor Social Service Building.

Why More Independence for Hong Kong Makes Sense

one country two systems

The Chinese economy is now facing its strongest challenges for a generation and Xi JinPing’s best efforts to create a nationalistic, shareholder, last stand for the stock market seem to have largely failed. What the fall out from this will be we can only speculate, but the enormous economic disaster that is the Chinese economy is not of Hong Kong’s making. Back in the colonial days, if the British economy collapsed, Hong Kong would not be expected to fall on its sword in sympathy.  Likewise, given the stormy times ahead for China, Hong Kongers should not be looking at going down with the sinking ship, but instead working on preserving what makes the city different, or the Two Systems part of the Basic Law. Given this, the idea of a Hong Kong City State becomes increasingly more viable and appealing.

The impracticalities of a Hong Kong City State are often premised on the geopolitics of Asia remaining similar to what it has been for the last 30 years. But once you accept the premise that the geopolitics of Asia are heading into turbulent seas, then the question of how best Hong Kong can survive the storm becomes much more pertinent and pressing. More independence and autonomy, and not less, suddenly become compelling.

When you live in the shadow, of the overly jealous and malign CCP, even uttering the word independence under your breath is high treason against The Party. Certainly, there are significant amounts of people who believe the independence debate in Hong Kong was created by the CCP to create social division within the democratic movement and brand everyone who opposes the government as splitists.  In China, there can be no worse a traitor than a splitist. However, most of the anti-independence arguments are actually ill-thought out if we work back from 2047. For, when we look at the pros and cons of more independence based on 2047 as a starting point, it starts to make a lot of sense and a much smarter path to follow than blithely accepting whatever bones the CCP wishes to throw Hong Kong erstwhile its own economy and political system rips itself apart.

It’s not too early to ask the question, what will happen come 2047? Does Hong Kong law become superseded by Mainland law? Because if that’s going to be the case, the day this is officially announced, whether it be tomorrow or in ten years time, will be like pulling a plug on the city. Money, resources and people will stampede to safer havens. Those that faithfully pledge their full allegiance to The Party, will be left in a hollow shell of a city as anything that creates real, global value will be gone.

If your argument against greater Hong Kong independence is that HK’s unchangeable destiny is to eventually be  fully assimilated into CCP’s China and become a carbon copy of any other CCP city then you must first be clear what these other cities will look like in five years time, or even five months time! Simply pointing out that we need to be more like ‘them’, but having no clue what ‘them’ will look like and having zero control of how ‘they’ are created is no plan at all. Hong Kong certainly has all the tools to make a positive contribution to the place known as China for many years to come. The same can’t be said of the multitude of cites we’re supposed to be more like, and that includes Shanghai. The most likely future for these cities are astronomically high, local debts, huge environmental clean-up bills, violent, social unrest and rampant corruption. None of which Hong Kong suffers from yet. Hong Kong has everything it needs to protect itself from such a bleak future, but unfortunately the current government seems intent on throwing away all the city’s global advantages in a lame attempt to show loyalty to a broken political part that pretends its a country.

No one who advocates greater independence is dreaming that Hong Kong isn’t part of China in a physical sense, but being geographically part of a continent and being ruined by the politically oppressive CCP are not one-in-the-same. The CCP is not China, it is not the country, neither is it the people. It is a shadowy, political organisation with a horrific track record for wreaking havoc upon the peoples of China throughout its very short and violent tenure. There will come a time when the CCP no longer holds power, but there will still be a China and also city in its south called Hong Kong. This is what the independence debate is based on, a practical approach to preservation, and there’s a lot to be protected here in this quasi-City State. This is the true pragmatic path for Hong Kongers now, or how does Hong Kong negotiate the impending disaster that is the CCP’s complete loss of trust in China and not be destroyed with it?

Currently the CCP tirelessly tries to bewitch pragmatists in Hong Kong with the narrative that the only future lies with them, a transient and decaying political entity, motivated by self-preservation and quick gain. However this lie becomes increasingly less convincing with every passing week.  Hong Kongers are no stranger in handling inept northern governments. They have played this game for almost two centuries and they know when the winds of change howl, and China looks like a shaky pile of eggs (危如累卵 – Wei Ru Lei Luan), their future lies in protecting their own autonomy and not integrating more into turmoil.

The opinions in this article are of those of the writer, if you agree or disagree feel free to leave a comment here or on our facebook page. The wonders of a free press allow for a discussion and debate of ideas – unlike north of the border.

cartoon: www.anntelnaes.com

Do HK Localists Hate Dancing?

Out of control police pepper spraying and assaulting HongKongers. The plain clothes officers in the background look surprised the actions of the uniformed officers who are standing behind a road side barrier and in their. Why one policeman thinks its ok to rub pepper spray in the face of woman.  Surely these unprovoked actions amount to assault with a  weapon and the police should be charged and jailed.
Out of control police pepper spraying and assaulting HongKongers. The plain clothes officers in the background look surprised the actions of the uniformed officers, who are standing behind a road side barrier and in their police van. Why one policeman thinks its ok to rub pepper spray in the face of woman is quite beyond me. Surely these unprovoked actions amount to assault with a weapon and the police involved should be charged and jailed.

Richard Scotford on Sunday night’s protest in Sai Yeung Choi Street where respect for the police amongst law abiding HongKongers hits a new low – if that were possible – as those attacked are arrested and the attackers, protected or ignored by police.

From the very offset, this protest was never really about aunties dancing on the street, but instead a proxy fight for what many believe is the increasing Mainlandisation of Hong Kong. From as early as 18:00 there was a visibly high presence of plainclothes police in the area. The police had clearly mobilised high numbers of officers and it would later become clear to all why that was the case. At 19:30, the main group leading the protest, HK Localism Power, began to set up their speakers and banners.

Just in front of where the Localists planned to speak, a ten metre, empty corral had been created with police barriers. It wasn’t clear what the barriers were doing other than blocking half of the road to both pedestrians and the increasing number of protesters who were now quickly gathering. The protesters, quickly pushed the barriers to the one side and opened up the throughway. These barriers remained at the side of the road for at least fifteen minutes until some police tried to reopen up the corral again.

At this point there were hundreds of Localists in the area, who found themselves both in and outside of the newly created corral. It was all very confusing. No one could figure out why the police were so insistent on making the corral so close to the Localist booth. Needless to say, this action skyrocketed the tensions between both the police and the protesters. The police first moved the barricades out, then moved them back, then out, then back again, but there were just too many confused people in the way. Finally the police dragged the barriers a further twenty metres down the road and made a new corral.

This was when the first scuffle broke out between a police officer and a protester. As in every incident like this, almost everyone has no clue as to why the police have suddenly targeted just one person. The crowd closed ranks and the person was able to scurry away without being detained. Interestingly, and this would set the tone for the rest of the night, the police officer involved in the melee ran nearly a hundred metres down the road after the intended target . At which point the crowd demanded to know why the person was being detained, as is his lawful right, but the police could not answer. They then hogtied the man and violently barged him through the crowd to take him to a waiting van.

I have no problem with this slightly aggressive police, arrest procedure, if the man is found to have committed a serious crime, but bear in mind the enormous effort the police had invested in detaining this single person, and then how hands off they became once things got really serious and laws were blatantly being broken.

This first arrest then went on to lead to the first pepper spraying of the night. This occurred when the police, erroneously stated that their vehicle was surrounded and so needed to use pepper spray to push back the crowds. The reality was that the vehicle was behind a barrier, on Nathan Road with free access to leave at anytime. Protesters were on one side only, standing on the footpath, behind the barrier. There was no reason to indiscriminately pepper spray those on the footpath.

While the first pepper spraying of the night was taking place on Nathan Road, it became clear as to why the police had wanted to create their corral. With a police escort that even a president would be proud of, in came a tiny contingent of Pro-Beijing supporters with flags and a loud speaker. A fifty minute slanging match and flag waving contest ensued between the two groups, divided by a very thick, blue line of police. In this regard, I thoroughly support the idea that the police are there to protect free speech for everyone but once again, we have to see the police orders in context. For this coming July 1st march, booth licenses have been refused on the grounds of security, yet, the police mobilised an entire army to ensure that two Pro-Beijing supporters could stand on a stepladder and shout profanities at an already agitated crowd. The police action was tantamount to mobilizing hundreds of officers to ensure that Joshua Wong could shout abuse at five hundred CCP stalwarts.

If getting the Bejing loyalists in was impressive, extracting them was a military operation to behold as the police effectively made an impenetrable blue tunnel for them to scurry through. It was epic, superstar treatment fit for a king. Needless to say, the tensions were now off the charts and most importantly, the confidence of the Blue Ribbons in the area was at an all time high, as the police had demonstrated in spectacular fashion who they were supporting, and so the fighting began. Not, pushes and shouting like you see at most protests but full on fist fights and assaults with isolated Localists getting the worst of it by gangs of ageing male Blue Ribbons.

All the serious fighting occurred on Nathan Road. As more Localists began to stream of Sai Yeung Choi Street to help those that had been assaulted they easily cornered the attackers. So what did the police do with the assailants? They released them to the great consternation of the crowd. At this point, let’s remember the first Localist arrested, who was chased 100metres down the road, hog-tied and carried onto the police van by six officers, yet now the police were confronted with victims of assault, with obvious signs of injury and there were multiple people wanting to give statements and the police let them go. No hogtying, no violent police take-downs, no pepper spraying. Those accused of the assaults were given the friendly shoulder tap and released out of sight.

But not out of sight enough!

Protesters had seen the police release them and weren’t going to tolerate it.

At this point, the police could have saved themselves a lot of legwork if they’d have treated the Blue Ribbons like the Localists and bundled them into waiting cells in Mongkok Police Station. Instead, rolling battles ensued as the Localists hunted down the released Blue Ribbon assailants, to demand that they be arrested once again.

Serious scuffles continued all the way to Tong Mi Road, which is practically Sham Shui Po, until once again the assailants were cornered on Palm Street. The police then set up another defensive circle around those accused of assault until a police van arrived to finally take them away. To ensure that the police didn’t release them again, Ray Wong, leader of HK Indigenous, went in a police van too to make a statement, escorted by 8 police men, erstwhile the accused attackers sauntered onto the waiting police van with a gentle shoulder tap from the police.

All in all, the night was a sad example of just how much energy the police will spend on detaining Localists, erstwhile going to great lengths to avoid detaining their own so called supporters. The aunties never featured in the night, not even for a minute. The night was never about dancing. The Localists chose the dancing because they knew it would get a rise in the authorities, and true to form, the HK police showed once again that they are now just a paramilitary force set up to defend the Mainland. They’re happy to let clear assaults pass by in plain sight, so long as those doing the assaulting support the Mainland.

Photo: Lostdutch