HKSAR Government Responds to Media Freedom Coalition Statement

Today 9 February, the Hong Kong Government published a response to a statement from the Media Freedom Coalition about freedom of the press in Hong Kong. Here is the press release in full.

“HKSAR Government strongly opposes misleading and baseless allegations by foreign entities on freedoms of the press and speech in Hong Kong.

The Government of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (HKSAR) today (February 9) strongly condemned a totally erroneous statement issued by the United Kingdom Government in the name of a number of foreign entities under the so-called “Media Freedom Coalition” concerning the implementation of the Hong Kong National Security Law.

A spokesperson for the HKSAR Government said, “The HKSAR is proud of its unwavering commitment to the rule of law and the independence of the judiciary, which underpin the city’s success as an international business and financial centre. Under Article 25 of the Basic Law, all Hong Kong residents shall be equal before the law. It is baseless for the signatories to the statement to make such allegations that our authorities have targeted and suppressed independent media in the HKSAR since the enactment of the Hong Kong National Security Law.

“Since the city’s reunification with the motherland, the HKSAR Government has been firmly committed to safeguarding the freedoms of the press and speech, both of which are protected under the Basic Law and the Hong Kong Bill of Rights. As a matter of fact, Article 4 of the Hong Kong National Security Law stipulates that such freedoms shall be protected in accordance with the law while safeguarding national security in the HKSAR.”

The spokesperson added, “Foreign countries that have in their respective jurisdictions national security legislation which is more wide-ranging than the Hong Kong National Security Law are no doubt aware that according to the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, the exercising of the freedoms of the press and speech must comply with the restrictions of the law for reasons including protection of national security.

“We must reiterate that all law enforcement actions taken by Hong Kong law enforcement agencies under the Hong Kong National Security Law, or indeed any local legislation, are based on evidence, strictly according to the law and for the acts of the persons or entities concerned, and have nothing to do with their occupation, background or political stance. The law enforcement actions taken by the HKSAR Government against Stand News adhered to such fundamental principles.

“We must also point out that the media landscape in Hong Kong is as vibrant as ever. As a case in point, a total of 209 media organisations, be they based locally, in the Mainland or overseas, are registered with the HKSAR Government News and Media Information System of the Information Services Department at present, showing an increase after the implementation of the Hong Kong National Security Law. As always, the media can exercise their right to monitor the HKSAR Government’s work, and their freedom of commenting on or even criticising government policies remains uninhibited as long as this is not in violation of the law.

“We express our deep regret and must rebuke those foreign entities for signing a ‘media freedom-related’ statement that contained no more than the usual fact-twisting and opinionated attacks against the Hong Kong National Security Law since its promulgation for implementation in the HKSAR upon the passage by the Standing Committee of the National People’s Congress on June 30, 2020. Contrary to their allegations, the implementation of the Hong Kong National Security Law has restored stability in society and the people of Hong Kong are no longer threatened or intimidated by acts or activities endangering national security or their everyday life.”

Media Freedom Coalition Statement on Closure of Media Outlets in Hong Kong

The undersigned members of the Media Freedom Coalition express their deep concern at the Hong Kong and mainland Chinese authorities’ attacks on freedom of the press and their suppression of independent local media in Hong Kong.

Recent developments include the raid of Stand News offices, the arrests of its staff, and the subsequent self-closure of Citizen News, stemming from concern over the safety of its staff. Since the enactment of the National Security Law in June 2020, authorities have targeted and suppressed independent media in the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region. This has eroded the protected rights and freedoms set out in the Basic Law and undermines China’s obligations under the Sino-British Joint Declaration. This has also caused the near-complete disappearance of local independent media outlets in Hong Kong. These ongoing actions further undermine confidence in Hong Kong’s international reputation through the suppression of human rights, freedom of speech and free flow and exchange of opinions and information.

A stable and prosperous Hong Kong in which human rights and fundamental freedoms are protected should be in everybody’s interest. We urge Hong Kong and mainland Chinese authorities to respect freedom of the press and freedom of speech in Hong Kong, in line with the Basic Law and China’s obligations under the Sino-British Joint Declaration.

Co-signatures:
Australia
Austria
Canada
Czech Republic
Estonia
Finland
Germany
Iceland
Ireland
Italy
Japan
Latvia
Lithuania
Luxembourg
the Netherlands
New Zealand
Slovakia
Slovenia
Switzerland
the United Kingdom
the United States

Media Freedom CoalitionMedia Freedom Coalition

50 countries have signed up to the Media Freedom Coalition and pledged to:

  • speak out and take action together, through a Media Freedom Coalition
  • harness the power of diplomatic networks, through a new Media Freedom Contact Group
  • reinforce international initiatives to champion media freedom
  • meet annually to renew commitments and to address emerging threats and opportunities

The pledge was published and signed as part of the Global Conference for Media Freedom hosted by the UK and Canadian governments in London on 10 and 11 July 2019. It is published in English and French.

HK Bar Association: NSL Erodes High Degree of Autonomy

Statement of the Hong Kong Bar Association:
The Law of the People’s Republic of China (“PRC”) on Safeguarding National Security in the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (“HKSAR”)

1. The Law of the PRC on Safeguarding National Security in the HKSAR (“NSL”) was endorsed and adopted in the Mainland on 30 June 2020 and then promulgated by the Chief Executive so as to come into force in the HKSAR at 11 pm on the same day. The Hong Kong Bar Association is gravely concerned with both the contents of the NSL and the manner of its introduction.

2. Nobody in the HKSAR had seen so much as a draft or accurate summary of the NSL before its entry into force. In addition to the total absence of meaningful consultation, lawyers, judges, police and Hong Kong residents were given no opportunity to familiarise themselves with the contents of the new law, including the serious criminal offences it creates, before it came into force.

3. The NSL has so far only been published in Chinese language, rendering its contents inaccessible to many interested stakeholders. The omission of a contemporaneous authentic English version of the law is unusual given that a bilingual legal system operates in Hong Kong.

4. The NSL is a national law adopted under the Constitution of the People’s Republic of China (“PRC”) and the Basic Law. As stated in the instrument of promulgation signed by the Chief Executive, the NSL has been applied in Hong Kong under Article 18 of the Basic Law. The choice of this procedure, rather than any amendment to the Basic Law under Article 159, indicates that the Basic Law continues to operate with full force and effect. Yet the NSL contains numerous provisions that appear to be inconsistent with the provisions of the Basic Law.

5. Article 62 of the NSL states that the NSL shall prevail in the event of any inconsistency with the “local laws of the HKSAR”. This would appear to embrace all Hong Kong Ordinances, including the Hong Kong Bill of Rights Ordinance (Cap. 383), the function of which is to implement the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights. The Basic Law itself, however, is a national law adopted by the National People’s Congress (“NPC”) under the PRC Constitution. It should be assumed that the NSL will be applied in a manner that is fully consistent with the Basic Law. How this is to be achieved, given the apparent inconsistencies between the NSL and the constitutional guarantees laid down in the Basic Law, is a matter that needs urgently to be addressed by the HKSAR Government.

6. It is incumbent upon the Chief Executive, who says that she was also in the dark about details of the law until yesterday, to clearly, fully and quickly explain to the general public how she sees the NSL working and what areas of life it may encroach upon.

7. A thorough study of the new law is needed to see how it may work and what effect it will have on existing laws and the justice system. However, the following issues and Articles of the NSL are of particular concern and it is right to address them now, albeit provisionally.

8. Where the central authorities decide to exercise jurisdiction in a given case, suspects can be removed to face trial in Mainland China. This is not extradition (where a person is removed to face trial for an offence in the receiving jurisdiction), and the usual judicial controls over extraditions appear not to apply. Mainland criminal procedures will be applied in such cases, in accordance with Articles 55-57, and this raises concern as to whether the rights of the accused to fair trial will be adequately protected or respected.

9. The power of interpretation is vested in the Standing Committee of the NPC. This has the potential to undercut the independent exercise of judicial power by the Courts of the Region (Articles 80 and 85 of the Basic Law).

10. The independence of the judiciary is undermined. The Chief Executive designates a list of approved judges for national security cases (Article 44). Appointment is on a yearly basis. Judges chosen by the executive can be removed from the list if their words or deeds endanger national security (Article 44).

11. Some people are held out to be above the reach of local law. The personnel of the Mainland National Security Agency (“NSA”) are meant to perform duties in accordance with law and not infringe the rights and interests of people and other organizations (Article 50), but the conduct of NSA and its personnel in the execution of their duties in accordance with law is not subject to local jurisdiction (Article 60).

12. The Special National Security Police Unit (“Special NS Unit”) is meant to apply the current law in carrying out its duties (Article 43), but then it enjoys a range of powers that go beyond those available under the existing laws (Article 43). Judicial control over covert surveillance is removed.

13. There is a reversal of presumption of bail (Article 42). The provision of mandatory minimum sentences strips away judicial discretion in sentencing. The right to trial by jury can be taken away by the Secretary for Justice on certain grounds without any residual discretion in this regard being left with the Courts of the HKSAR (Article 46).

14. The newly established National Security Council is said to be exempt from judicial review (Article 14).

15. Four groups of criminal offences are created. These are widely drawn and absent a clear and comprehensive array of publicly accessible guidelines and basic safeguards as to legal certainty and fair treatment, are capable of being applied in a manner that is arbitrary, and that disproportionately interferes with fundamental rights, including the freedom of conscience, expression and assembly:

(1) Secession (Article 20) can be committed with or without violence. This gives rise to concern whether this might operate to prohibit mere speech or any peaceful advocacy.

(2) Subversion (Article 22) requires the threat or use of force or “other unlawful means” (such as an unlawful assembly) to do one of the defined acts, which include serious interference with or obstruction of the authority of the HKSAR (Article 22(3)), and attacking government facilities rendering them unable to perform their functions normally (Article 22(4)). This gives rise to concern whether media criticisms or picketing might be caught under these provisions.

(3) Terrorist acts (Article 24) are vaguely defined. Supporting terrorists or terrorist activities (Article 26) is widely drawn and covers any person providing materials, labour services, transport, venue support, assistance and convenience to terrorist organisations or terrorist acts. It is uncertain whether the prosecution must prove that the accused knew that the person receiving such services is a terrorist.

(4) Colluding with foreign forces (Article 29) is vaguely defined. It covers directly or indirectly accepting a subsidy or support from a foreign organization with a view to carrying out hostile actions against the HKSAR (Article 29(4)). This gives rise to concern whether certain existing activities of academics, NGOs and media organizations which were lawful or not unlawful in the past might now be outlawed by these provisions.

16. Taken together, these and other provisions of the NSL operate to erode the high degree of autonomy guaranteed to the HKSAR under the Basic Law and the Sino-British Joint Declaration, and to undermine core pillars of the One Country Two Systems model including independent judicial power, the enjoyment of fundamental rights and liberties, and the vesting of legislative and executive power in local institutions. The Hong Kong Bar Association calls on the Chief Executive to reaffirm these foundational values of the HKSAR, and to commit her Government to applying the NSL in a manner that is fully consistent with the Basic Law and Hong Kong Bill of Rights.

Dated 1 July 2020

Hong Kong Bar Association

Editorial: Court of Appeal Reject Oath Appeal

[gview file=”http://www.bcmagazine.net/wp-content/uploads/2016/12/CACV000224_2016.pdf”]

Today the Court of Appeal rejected the appeal of Yau Wai Ching, Sixtus Leung Chung Hang, and The President of The Legislative Council over their oath taking disqualification. The reasons are steeped in legalise but essentially amount to the fact that Legco and the HK courts are subservient to the Basic Law and that China can change and amend the Basic Law whenever and however it wants.

And that any amendments are how the law should have been read since it came into being on the 1 July, 1997. Thus if China ‘interprets’ the Basic Law and says that, for example, the HK Bauhinia flag is green, even though we can all see its red. Then the flag is green! And anyone who says otherwise can and will be sent to jail even if they said the flag was red in 1998 years before the new interpretation existed.

Given the judge’s very precise interpretation and reliance on the new wording of Article 104 then strictly speaking since 689 omitted the words Hong Kong from his oath then he should be also be removed from office (and have to hand back all the money given to him as he threw the vast majority of HongKongers under the bus). It won’t happen of course, there’s one rule for the entitled, rich and connected and another for everyone else.

The question is will the Court of Final Appeal (CoFA) stand up for the people of Hong Kong, who it must be pointed out freely chose and elected Yau Wai Ching and Sixtus Leung Chung Hang to represent them, and affirm that the laws of Hong Kong are worth the paper they are written on or do we live in the dictatorship that exists north of the border where ‘the law’ changes according to the daily whim and benefit of the Chinese Communist Party.

It’s unlikely as it would mean the CoFA having to make a ruling on the Basic Law and having to decide whether China can amend (and make no mistake this ‘interpretation’ is an amendment) and make the amendment retrospective (as the Court ruled regarding ‘interpretations’ in 1999), whenever they want. Much as I respect the members of the CoFA I doubt they are willing to do that.

As I’ve said before, for those HongKongers who love China so much, you’re free to move there. Just remember that anyone who gets rich in China moves their money out of China as quickly as possible, chooses to educate their children in England, USA or Hong Kong and goes to medical clinics overseas whenever they can. If the China the CCP supporting Chinese have created is so wonderful, why are they so keen to leave?

Beijing’s Reinterpretation of Article 104

Article 104 of the Hong Kong’s Basic Law states:
When assuming office, the Chief Executive, principal officials, members of the Executive Council and of the Legislative Council, judges of the courts at all levels and other members of the judiciary in the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region must, in accordance with law, swear to uphold the Basic Law of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region of the People’s Republic of China and swear allegiance to the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region of the People’s Republic of China.

Today Beijing offered it’s unsought interpretation which make s three points:

1: Content of the oath
The passage in Article 104 “swear to uphold the Basic Law of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region of the People’s Republic of China and swear allegiance to the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region of the People’s Republic of China,” is the “statutory content” of the Legco oath.

It is also the “statutory requirement and condition” for people to take public office stated in that article, including lawmakers.

2: Definition of “in accordance with law”
a) Taking the oath is a statutory condition and mandatory procedure for people to assume public office.

If one has not taken a valid oath accepted by law, or if one declines to swear in, he or she cannot assume office, and cannot exercise the duties and enjoy the privileges of public office.

b) The oath-taking must fulfil the statutory requirements in format and content. The person taking the oath should take it sincerely and solemnly and must accurately, completely and solemnly read out phrases such as “uphold the Basic Law of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region of the People’s Republic of China” and “bear allegiance to the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region of the People’s Republic of China” as stated in the statutory oath.

c) If the oath-taker refuses to take the oath, he or she shall be disqualified from assuming public office. One is deemed to have refused to take the oath – and subsequently have his or her oath invalidated – if he or she deliberately reads out an oath different from the statutory oath or does it in an insincere or frivolous manner.

d) The oath administrator has the duty to confirm the oath taking is carried out legally and that the oath complies with this interpretation and Hong Kong law.

Any oath that does not satisfy the above interpretation should be confirmed as an “invalid” oath. Retaking the oath is forbidden.

3: Consequences of breach

Those who make a “false oath” or engage themselves in acts that violate the oath after taking it will bear legal responsibility.

Since this interpretation adds things not explicitly written into the existing law, can it be applied retroactively to those who took the oath in the past? If Hong Kong’s judicial system, the most fundamental difference between Hong Kong and China, remains truly ‘independent’ then that will be for the lawyers to argue over and ultimately the Court of Final Appeal to decide.

Logic and common sense would say that you can’t be guilty of something that wasn’t a ‘crime’ when you did it. But the law, common sense and logic make strange bed-fellows. The law has lots of ways to circumvent law changes. eg driving at the legal speed of 40 only for the limit to be reduced the next day to 30. You can’t be charged with speeding because your speed was legal at the time, but you could be charged with careless driving…

So will the judiciary fall over to kiss Beijing’s derriere, for those of us who love Hong Kong we have to hope not. While the law is a living evolving thing, precedents and case law establish a framework for how that happens.

If the CCP is allowed to trample over the law, then tragically Hong Kong is a dead man walking. If the law has no meaning, why will multi-nationals and big companies remain here when a contract isn’t worth the paper it’s written on. They will just move to China where contracts are always open to reinterpretation, often by a sack of money under the table or a fist.

Read the Basic Law here

Police Refusing To Identify Themselves

https://bcmagazine.smugmug.com/Bcene-photos/2015/Tim-Mei-Avenue-27-September/52245869_Qr7mM6#!i=4386266720&k=GF3ND9r

Police refusing to identify themselves and wear their warrant cards clearly displayed have become common place over the last twelve months. If mr policeman you are doing nothing wrong, why do you worry about being identified as a policeman and held accountable for your actions?

https://bcmagazine.smugmug.com/Bcene-photos/2015/Tim-Mei-Avenue-27-September/52245869_Qr7mM6#!i=4386252961&k=3F3St5r

 

Hong Kong Bar Association on Zhang Xiaoming’s Speech

Further reaction to Zhang Xiaoming’s speech on Saturday when he stated that Hong Kong’s Chief Executive enjoys a special legal position that puts him above the legislature and judiciary. The Hong Kong Bar Association said in an eight-page statement in both Chinese and English that the role of Hong Kong’s chief executive was clearly defined in the city’s mini-constitution and could not be said to be above the law.

Here is the Press Statement of HKBA – English – 14 September, 2015 in full.

Zhang Xiaoming’s Comments Devoid of Legal Basis

Not that the ‘Rule of Law’ means anything in China where a ‘contract’ is often worth less than the paper it’s written on, but according to the Progressive Lawyers Group, Zhang Xiaoming’s recent statement has no legal basis under the Basic Law.

The Director of the Central Government’s Liaison Office, Zhang Xiaoming, said on the 12 September that the Chief Executive’s (CE) position transcends that of the executive, legislative and judicial branches of government, and that separation of powers between these three branches of government can only be applied at the level of a sovereign.

The Progressive Lawyers Group considers such views to be devoid of legal basis for the following reasons.

(1) The CE’s position stems from the Basic Law, with no “special legal status”

The Basic Law has constitutional status in Hong Kong SAR, and is the source which sets out the CE’s powers. The SAR’s affairs, including the CE’s roles and limits on his powers, are provided for under the Basic Law, and cannot be altered simply by some apparatchik claiming that the CE is the means by which the Central Government rules Hong Kong:

– Article 2 of the Basic Law clearly states that Hong Kong enjoys executive, legislative, and independent judicial (including the power of final adjudication) powers.

– Article 11 of the Basic Law requires that Hong Kong’s systems in respect of executive, legislature and judiciary shall be based on the Basic Law itself.

– Article 59 of the Basic Law stipulates that the SAR Government is the executive branch of government in Hong Kong, and that the CE is the head of the SAR Government. Thus, the CE is clearly and merely part of the executive branch, and does not in any way enjoy a status which transcends the executive branch.

– Article 64 of the Basic Law also states that the SAR Government must abide by the law. Thus, as the head of the SAR Government, the CR must abide by and cannot transcend the law, including the Basic Law.

As can be seen, under the Basic Law, there does not exist any so-called special legal position when it comes to the CE’s role in Hong Kong’s political system. Thus, Zhang Xiaoming’s statements are devoid of legal basis.

(2) Separation of powers between the three branches of government is not only applicable at the sovereign level, the CE is subject to legislative and judicial checks

The separation of powers between the executive, legislative and judicial branches, where they operate independently but also subject to checks on each other’s powers, is something that is currently applicable to the national, state and even local governments of many democratic jurisdictions. Zhang Xiaoming’s assertion that this concept is applicable only at the level of the sovereign clearly shows his ignorance in this regard.

As to Hong Kong, looking at the provisions of the Basic Law as a whole, the existence of such separation of powers is relatively clear, and was affirmed by the Court of Final Appeal (see Leung Kwok Hung v The President of the Legislative Council of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (2014), paragraph 27). The Basic Law clearly delineates Hong Kong’s executive, legislative and judicial branches of government, and in a various parts set out provisions which create checks on each other’s powers. For example:

– Article 64 of the Basic Law states that the SAR Government must abide by the law and be accountable to the Legislative Council.

– Articles 49, 50, 51 and 76 states that the CE’s checks on the Legislative Council, such as the special circumstances when he can dissolve the Legislative Council.

– As regards the judiciary, Article 80 of the Basic Law states that the various courts of Hong Kong constitute the Hong Kong’s judiciary, which exercises the Hong Kong SAR’s judicial power, and the independence of the judiciary is protected by Article 85: “The courts of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region shall exercise judicial power independently, free from any interference”.

(3) Zhang Xiaoming should seek to familiarise himself with the Basic Law

Zhang Xiaoming graduated with law degrees from Southwest University of Political Science and Law and Renmin University of China, both of which are apparently colleges of renown within Mainland China. However, his remarks on Saturday demonstrated his twisting and ignorance of the law, which is a disservice to his alma mater’s reputation. Rather than yet again sowing trouble and discord in Hong Kong, Zhang Xiaoming the apparatchik should seek first to familiarise himself with the Basic Law before saying anything further on these topics. In short, Zhang’s comments are so patently absurd that those seeking to defend him should be careful of being seen as sailing too close to the wind, lest they end up also appearing as buffoons themselves.

Progressive Lawyers Group
14 September 2015
https://www.facebook.com/proglawgroup

Originally published in The Stand News

The Progressive Lawyers Group  are a group of Hong Kong lawyers dedicated to promoting core values of rule of law, judicial independence, democracy, human rights, freedom, and justice.